Patrick Iroegbu

 

 

To understand the Igbo oracles and shrines, such as Okija Shrines and their place in society, it is important to appreciate the Igbo cosmology of life and complex society. That is, the frame of life-forces, real and symbolic making up the Igbo world, system of belief, justice, productivity and regeneration. To do so is to first of all raise some pertinent questions. Why do local people and a large number of urban elite rely on the forces of their culture to resolve conflict? To what extent is the colonial inherited state justice system and the so-called customary courts accepted? What would make people do away with their gods and culture? Be it as it may, the police in Anambra State invaded and raided the once-dreaded shrines in Okija on August 5, 2004. The foray led to recovering 20 human skulls, 50 decomposing bodies, a fresh corpse and eight registers after a tip off emanating from a deep-rooted plot of a sort (see also The Punch, Friday August 27, 2004). Shrines in Nigeria are both private and political vehicles and instruments of access to power, political offices and resources. It is all about authority and power, fame and influence on matters that involve some uncertainty of political struggle for, and distribution of, economic resources. The main persuasion is to gain psychological force, stability, invisibility and sophistication in order to outmatch and outdo opponents in the face of competition for interests in all circles of life and society – especially in political and economic affairs.

            However, a lot has been written since the second episode of going to, and using, shrines, particularly the “Okija oracle system” for conflict resolution in Anambra State of Nigeria. In part, arguments have ranged from outbursts cued in pettiness to serious analyses  bothering on misplacing of oracular power and knowledge, skills and applications, on the one hand, and gross instinct and greed for materialism; on the other hand. As some pointed out, the exposure and haunting down of the Okija oracular practitioners and the judicial implications are both ethnic politicization of a hated group and state. Others stressed the fundamental human rights with regard to beliefs, and freedom of worship. Yet others emphasized the consequences of Nigeria’s polygamy of faiths and practices in the contemporary Christian world. As one can see through cultural lenses, arguments proffered so far are either half relevant or too little in understanding the significance of the power of culture, oracles and tradition of worship for a people. Deeper underlying questions and concerns are yet to be raised and answered for a full understanding of why and how oracles and shrines thrive in a shifting world. There are exceptions to the suspicion bet and manner of communication, since some contributions on the issue of Okija Shrines have appeared to be so bothersome by either creating distortions or turned abusive and extraordinarily sensational to the logic of belief, sensibility and change.   

This essay therefore, is set out to raise related questions that would help to look at the ethnography of Igbo oracles, such as Okija Oracle, called “Ogwugwu” in order to understand what they are, and what they are not. It defines what oracle means, and explains what shrines also refer to. It is not intended to answer in this short essay the questions in themselves. Aim is to offer some deeper ethnographic questions worth pursuing to make sense of the culture of oracles and shrines in Nigeria for inclusive development change, planning and decision making.

Why Ogwugwu oracle this time in the context of Igbo life and culture? Have there been issues of curses and conspiracies haunting the chief devotees and clients? Is the deity itself defiled, or vacated? Why is Ogwugwu commanding a belief and lasting patronage by Igbo people in Okija area in Anambra State? Why has Ogwugwu deity for instance survived up to today despite the height of Pentecostal and Evangelical movements in Anambra and Igboland? What is the mission, mandate and vision of this deity for the people it is there to serve? What aspects of life do oracle uses touch? Can church business thrive without the involvement of chief priests, medicine men and women? What has stayed right with oracles and what has gone wrong with oracles? Have these forms of oracle been genuinely and deeply studied and understood? If so, have they been part of the cultural development of the justice system? What form of jurisprudence is embodied in the Okija and related shrine systems of applying justice? Of what epistemological value is the shrinization of confidence and trust in doing business and politics to deliver promises and resolves? When and how do we separate religion from the science of crime and justice? How do oracles and the inherited western state justice system work together in settling disputes in Nigeria? Where does the ethic of traditional approaches come in conflict with the state justice system? Whose wisdom is behind the practice of oracles and how? Why are there all the noises about Okija shrines? How would such noises be explained and used in the integral development of justice system in Nigeria in a changing world? How would the materials and documents being seized from Okija Shrine practitioners be gainfully used to develop relevant studies and meanings? Do policy makers really focus on and use ethnographic reports such as the ones that would be expected to result from Okija Shrines and their likes in Nigeria in policy studies and reform?

According to Scheper-Hughes and Locke, “without culture, we would simply not know how to feel.” This quickly raises more questions, why do people resort to oracular skills in developing life visions, settling disputes, creating bonds of competent relationship and administering justice? How is a deity identified and domesticated in a cultural context to mediate and negotiate social, economic, religious, and political events in life? How is a deity perceived and co-operated with in the transmission of life essences? These are genuine questions. To answer them will surely offer insights on the issues surrounding why Igbo oracles are part of the daily realities of the people concerned. And not to address the questions would continue to hedge ignorance, perpetuate social hate and economic and political injustices. To be fair, it is urgent to re-visit what custom and tradition means across Nigerian communities regarding authentic development and planning. It appears little or nothing is being done to understand the reality of oracles and why they continue to prevail in people’s lives. Social science education is here challenged once again to pay attention to this neglected area of indigenous knowledge and practices. Now and again, cultism is dreadfully an issue and just a little is known about cultism in terms of the underlying forces and network of operations making the occult life an intimidating option of political culture and economic life in Nigeria. This is even worse when it comes to dispute settlement and operating a credible justice system.      

The utterance “oracle” is descended from Middle English language via French from Latin “oraculum”, from “orare” implying to speak out authoritatively (cf. The New Penguin English Dictionary 2001). On the one hand, the word “oracle” means prophesy, vision, prediction, forewarning, foreshadowing, and revelation. On the other hand, it is as well giving wise or authoritative decisions, or a statement by them, one of which humans cannot question or avoid without real and symbolic consequences and implications. Shrines mean sites where oracles are located and may be accessed. Shrines are houses or homes of deities. In these homes, deities are consulted through forms of ritual with appropriate rites of passage to each. Mainly at shrines, devotion is paid to a deity, or saint. Saint is used here to show that to graduate to the level of deity, the extrahuman force or spirit must prove itself in terms of genuine functions and service to the community. In Catholic faith and hierarchy, saints are Christian lived-faith figures revered but before a dead person becomes a saint, prove is gradually assessed and authenticated. Likewise, the traditional manner of consultation and petition in worship and healing is correlated to this mechanism of power and belief, or do we say has been copied or acculturated by Christianity?

Deities are extrahuman or supernatural forces without human bodies. Images are used to represent such deital forces. Such images or symbols may be dead or live objects of power. Trees, rivers, mountains, hills, valleys, stones, and so on, in most part consist in these. Writing on shrines and oracles, Iroegbu (2002) describes: they are places of consultation with esteemed extrahuman forces to answer un-answerable questions in order to allay fear and provide a way out to resolve problems, be they economic, political, religious, kinship, theft, killing, accusations, power seeking, and all that require supernatural insight and competencies. Shrines are cogent communal and awesome traditional institutionalized spaces and sites of consultation and rituals. Shrines are rational healing sites and as well bring people and feared reliable cultural forces into contact to solve difficult problems in culturally patterned ritual ways. It works for those whose belief in them and therefore flourishes in the practices of the daily life and communal fundamentals.

 

            In many ways, contributors to the Okija shrines development have stated the obvious. Ogwugwu oracle in Okija community is one name among numerous Igbo oracles and shrines. Igbo people view their life-world and develop their charter of action in resonance with cosmological or worldview forces. Cosmology frames the dimensions, if not the forces of the world ‘above and below’, the other–worldly forces, including the deities, spirits, and ancestors and the world-below, inhabited by people, animals and plants. Cosmology is not only explanatory but also a behavioural guide in food production, use of herbs, proper dwelling, social politicking and land use. It also offers some understanding of the origin and features of the world. As an action system, it entails what proper behaviour people should engage in at what moments, at what places, and in relation to what. It shows that the world is one of constant interaction between the living and the dead, the visible and invisible forces. It follows that life is considered as a well-managed redistribution of forces in the world. Life is fundamentally one of (re)distribution, and sharing (ike oke) or exchanging of life forces. This is the essence of marriage, funeral rituals, title taking, office holding, any form of socially rewarded achievement, as well as in health and healing, dispute resolution and justice.

            Igbo cosmology or worldview consists of a world of (i) above, (ii) a terrestrial one or man's world, and (iii) a world below. The world-above is known as eligwe; that is "sky or heaven", where the supreme God (Obasi, Chukwu, or Chineke) dwells. The terrestrial world is elu uwa, ala, conceived as the earth, "the world of man" (uwa madu), the life scene on man in the midst of other beings like animals and trees. The "world-below" (okpuru uwa) is known as ala mmuo, which is the domain of the spirit forces (agbara na mmuo). It is mainly the world of the spirit ancestors, good or evil, inhabiting "the underworld" (ime ala), "the world of the dead" (ndi nwuru anwu). Life therefore revolves around the interaction of the forces coming from each of the major beings and spaces, represented in the cosmology of life and space (Iroegbu 2001).

            Common and deep-seated accounts from culture heroes such as healers and most senior elders versed in the tradition of Igbo heritage state the fact that in Igbo cosmology, the world-above is inhabited by the supreme God (chukwu), followed by the sun (anyanwu) and the sky (igwe), which are believed to be greater than the earth (ala). For that, the Igbo say, “the sky is greater than the earth” (igwe ka ala). Moreover, thunder (amadioha) and earth (ala) deities are figured out as principal forces making up the higher level of things. In other words, the supreme God, the sun, the sky, thunder and the earth deity (ala) constitute a kind of higher-level order, distinct from the minor water deities (aguiyi, mmuo mmiri), water spirits such as mami wota, as well as the deity of oracular manifestation or premonstration. The latter part sets for a kind of spatial layout and theophany of Igboland life-forces, with its oracles referring to the spirits and forces of the North, the Centre, the East, or the South. In other words, the geography of Igboland is defended by powerful oracles responding to the cultural demands of life and proceedings.                  

            In addition, below the famous oracles as noted above is the prominent order of supremacy for the other subordinate deities. A principal deity protects, acting as protector of their respective lineage community (mba). Smaller deities are located within villages and kindreds in form of "daughter deities" (lolo; lolo okwara mba), "son deities" (okpara; okwaraike) and "last born deity" (odu). These supernatural beings are very well known. A lineage community may call upon such forces for life regeneration, protection and growth. Oath taking, among other things, usually prompts people to call on the name of a deity, such as Ogwugwu in Okija. Clearly oracles have from antiquity had genuine intentions and meanings for the community domesticating them in their daily norms and social chores.  

            What's more, spiritual hierarchies chime in with spiritual personifications of fortune, destiny, wealth and strength. They also point to life destinies and more importantly to the ancestors who control the fortunes of the living descendants. Prayers or petitions in times of need are addressed to God locally called chukwu, chineke, obasi, accompanied sometimes by gifts of kola nut (oji) and libations of palm wine (nmai nkwu). Ala, the "earth deity" is the most imperative in both private and public life. Ala is the representative of the "Great Mother" (nne ukwu, nne oha), the symbol of life. As such, ala turns out to be the focus of Igbo social life, unity and revered morality. To offend the land (nso ala) makes one liable to severe penalty, and demanding ritual purification. Strange illnesses may be attributed to offences against the land (nso ala), which is regarded as the owner of men, whether alive or dead. As it should be noted, deital and cult practices are very much expressed in everything such as in trade, contract, politics, worship, dispute settlement, professional distinction, employment, promotion, migration, travel, marriage, friendship and medicine.

            The ancestral cult or oraculation is closely associated with the earth deity in the underworld. Ala is therefore the fountainhead of human morality; its oracular deeds must conform to the fundamentals of moral and social justice. As such, ala is the main source of rules and legal sanctions. Laying down of ogu and ofo, Igbo ritual symbols onto the earth, ala to ensure innocence and justice play crucial parts. Oaths are sworn in the name of ala, land and by its name laws are critically and carefully made. The ancestors form the spirit world known as “the ancestral spirits” (ndi mbo, ndichie, nna nna anyi ha). With or without oracular skills, ancestors appear in dreams, visions and, as it is told sometimes physically to a close relative to convey in fact instructions, advice, and thus, revelations are imparted. Afterwards the dreamer may meet a diviner for oracular consultation to interpret the message. It is believed that people who become ancestors are only those who led a good life, with a ripe old age, and who have died a good death followed by full burial rites. As “living-deads", sometimes reflected in masquerade cults or otu mmanwu (Onyeneke 1987), the ancestors are spirits but not divinities or deities, even though both are approached almost in the same way. Awolalu and Dopamu (1979: 274-276) have outlined the differences between the two.

            This author’s inquiries have also pointed out that the image of the ancestors is represented by ala ezi, also called nkpodunshi (literally, firm holding). Furthermore, the influence of both the ancestors and divinities may extend beyond the geographical boundaries of the family for ancestors and the community for the divinities. When, for instance, a daughter is given out to a far distant place in marriage, an ancestor may still influence her life or that of her offsprings. The ancestral spirit is, moreover, the guardian and transmitter of the proper family genius. This belief is central to the concept of regeneration or reincarnation (ilo uwa, literally “reborn, rebirth”). Clearly, one cannot understand shrines and oracles outside of these cosmological circles of beliefs and practices. Including why and how agents work to keep the shrines up as cultural, cosmological, justice and ritual centres where people in need go to consult and receive answers to their challenges.

 

            Common lores amplify this fact such as “the world is a market place to be traded in turns” (uwa bu ahia, onye zuru ibe ya azuru); “Man is the force or maker of his worlds” (madu mere uwa ya); “Man is his neighbour’s god” (madu bu chi ya na ibe ya); “when one agrees, his personal god, chi agrees also” (onye kwe chi ya ekwe). The implication here of all these shows that the world is conceived in such a way that change can come given human’s capacity to influence these other forces at his or her disposal. But again, this capacity may be impaired due to consequences of transgressions or moral insufficiencies. Transgression in this context means falling short of the moral expectations of the society in relationship with others and the gods. Improprieties and offences (iru ala) of life are believed to lie in or arouse the penalties given by their gods, as in famine, drought, epidemics, fraud of 419, and strange illnesses. Violation of taboos, sorcery practices, and shedding of blood are acts considered as abominations (nso). It is believed that such acts bring about a disharmony from which the welfare of human is brought to inevitable disturbance. To avoid extrahuman retaliation for such wrongs, offences and abominations, the wrongdoer or offender is expected to placate the deities and seek reconciliation in both social and cosmic spheres.

            A person or his or her group is generally thought to prosper. Failing indicates that negligence has been allowed in putting the forces around life into disbalance. In the event of some untoward occurrences the gods and deities are to be appeased. This is mainly the case when people suspect a breach of normality or blockage somewhere (odachi, nkpochi). The family deity (chi, ala ezi) is suspected to be in anger. Evil eye by human or spirit may generate a blockage of family progress to which the family deity is meant to resist in situation of balanced reciprocity. Evil eye is something that should be deviated. For an economic venture, the deity of business, fortune or riches, called mbataku, would have to be approached with the necessary rites. In some areas it is called ogbaku, agbaraku, nkpoduaku. What is common among the names is the suffix aku, which means wealth. One informant Emeka stated that invoking the deity of riches in the spirit world must conform to strengthening people's social life. Emeka confided that “each week, these deities move around in our world intermingling with people. On weekends (na ngwucha izu), they return to their base to rethink things and feast together. Unique about them is that male and female gendered deities do not stay together except on weekends. Their world is said to be like ours but they are highly disciplined, better organized and solidly developed. The success a person makes depends on the relationship he or she fosters with his or her deities who foresee and on his or her own ability and wit to achieve whatever the person can attain.”

            Thus far, the so-called traditional thought pattern and lifeway combine into a network of ambition generated by human virtues and qualities. It reveals the fact that person is the maker of person’s being in the worth he or she is through knowledge and practice. That nature is for a person’s manipulation to one’s advantage, and finally that one’s conception of the world correlates with one’s life outlook.

       Put in another way the Igbo cosmological view suggests that the beings and the things are in search for complementarity among themselves. And the road to reach this complementary relationship is by rituals and proper conduct. Yet the Igbo in shaping his or her vignette, realizes that his or her world is interdependent and all-inclusive. In light of this, he or she articulates his or her genuine forces of personality that could make possible success in life, such as sense of individualism and competition as criteria to attain a ‘fulfilled life’ by struggle and age (karuo) and the development of strong kinship affiliation and by migration. Usually, an Igbo migrating calls upon the forces of the land to take control and advance his or her intentions knowing that his or her ability is dependent on complementary relationships endorsed by the forces of local and foreign conditions. Oracles and shrines are by large made to be part of this heritage cosmology of survival. The deity of adventure, ukwu-ojemba (legs in cult of adventure, ukwu statuette in a form disfigured); and personality, ikenga are nevertheless convoked to bless and empower - be it for politics, business, studies, learning a trade, church planting and communalization, oratory community development issues and international relations and strategic diplomacy.     

            It will be interesting here to outline the main Igbo deities attributed to oracular businesses in various spheres. This is because, the characterization of supernatural forces is an important factor for healers (in order) to successfully heal and render social justice. Moreso, it is important for readers to understand the context in which Okija Oracles make sense for its consults, and priests. In addition, these will question how much the inherited western justice system works or disassociates with the cosmology of life in a changing world. A list of important spirits or deities and oracles now follows.

            Ala: the earth deity who is the most important of all, when defiled, no other force can stop its retaliation. Ala is the basis of law and moral sagacity. Progress and stability are ala or land enhanced. Alawala, for short ala, is not only curious to see people stay in harmony with the things of the land, but also constantly demands for order and care. That is why libations poured onto the land create a sense of appeal and appeasement, respect and in turn reciprocal commitment and continuing accessible and affordable cosmological relationship.  

            Anyanwu: The sun deity, manifesting itself in the form of lightening and thunder, has its spiritual aspect as kamalu or amadioha (thunder). Its worship is recognized and associated with the Ozuzu lineage group, in southern Igboland, with a most powerful oracle, called kamalu Ozuzu. Anyanwu is associated with the second market day of the four-day week, known as afo.

            Igwe: The sky deity, is greater than the earth, and is the source of rain and rain-making, and the oracle called, igwe ka ala that may serve as a court of appeal.

            Agbara mmiri: refers to the category of river spirits such as imo, mami wota, and animate river courses. Swearing falsely to water shrines can cause drowning and humoural suffering. River-related suicidal deaths and disbalances are buried on the bank.

            Ikoro: Is a drum deity and represents the spirit oracle of war. Its shrine includes a big wooden gong, called ikoro, with human head carved on it. It is beaten on important events and for communicating important developments, such as festivals, big theft, or threat to communal life and property.

            Ekwu: Is the hearth spirit and women’s domestic spirit. If a grown-up child would neglect caring for his or her aged parents, ekwu could be invoked on the erring child. Ekwu also stands for the intimate secrets of the family in relation to sharing.

            Ndi ichie: Are ancestors in a relentless reciprocity with the living members of the lineage both for blessing, avenging and taking back life.

            Mbataku: Is the ram-headed spirit of wealth and fortune, to be regularly appeased to solicit healthier means of support.

            Arusi/Alusi: Refers to powerful river and forest spirits (mmuo or agbara), especially for justice making. Oaths are taken on them and appeals could also be made likewise. Reputable arusi or agbara achieve oracular status.

            Chi: Is both a collective and personal spiritual agency. Collective chi associates with supreme god (chukwu, obasi) as well as communal deities, such as ala, the earth goddess. A personal chi isassociated with individualized guardian spirit. Every Igbo is said to have a chi, such as mbataku (spirit of wealth), agwu (deity of divination and medicine).

            Alaezi or nkpoduisi is primal to a home and that means holding the head of the family.

            Agwu: Is a most versatile spirit always in need of servitors.It is described as a deity with a two-edged face. Its proselytizing moves initiate healers and diviners. To refuse its approach is said to attract its ambivalent nature of violent action. It can cause long trial and temptation, involving loss of property, loss of children, barrenness, and psychosomatic syndromes.

            Ahiajoku: Also called ife joku, is the yam deity, and equally called nwanyi dim, a co-wife. Because of its retaliatory sanction, it has a controlling power over the behaviour of women in the home, the farm, and the storage place (oba). Before new yam is eaten a sacrifice must be made to aha joku. Names are taken after the yam deity, such as Njoku, Ajoku and Mmaji. A yam chief is called ezeji. As yam is the most important farming crop, each agricultural season entails its sacrifices to aha joku. The biggest of communal rite is described as iri ji ohuru, iri ji mmiri, iro ofo, ofala, that is, new yam ritual or ibu ji aro (to carry new yam).

Ajo Mmuo: Are evil spirits, some of whom are stubborn spirits named as agbara nti ike (spirits who don’t hear). Some are called ekpekwu or mmumowari or ajo muo, which defy pleas for mercy. They roam about seeking for heads and people to attack. Mami wota and ogbanje are often associated with those evil and ravenous spirits.

 

            This paper has considered the meaning of cosmology, oracles and shrines. It pointed out that though many articles have mostly been provoked in reaction to the Okija Shrine belief and practices in Anambra State, but only a few made useful points to the issue at hand. The perspective adopted highlights the ingredients and foundations of shrines and oraculation denied by such other contributions. As such, more important questions to understand oracles and shrines in Nigerian cultural context have now been raised and hopefully will help in research, planning and all-inclusive development. The paper also posited that one best way to understand why and how oracles and shrines flourish is to look at the political, social and economic conditions that people face in day to day lives. And this can equally be best viewed in the light of social cosmology of life, business and frame of local wisdom and justice.

Furthermore, as the essay raised rich questions to help in studying the ethnography of oracles and shrines, in a larger socio-cultural, economic and political context. It can be said that deities and oracles in Igboland are not new developments. Save for their styles and strategies have changed in response to harsh social, political and economic conditions. This essay calls for deeper insights and genuine systematic uses of oracles and shrines in improving life and social justice in a changing Igbo and Nigerian world as change in itself is an inevitable thing for people and their cultures. It is hereby advised that the Okija episode should not be rushed without some in-depth holistic study to understand the power and significance of culture-bound beliefs and practices in a development process. Nigerians, in particular the Okija-Igbo, and their likes everywhere should embrace integrated development through effective and positive science. In so doing, Nigerians should divorce negative cultic practices and plant rational inquiry, critical thinking and technological and social empowerment. Shrines and oracles permeating the daily lives must be seen as part of sources of, and resources for, knowledge and development. If they make sense for people using them, then development requires that they be studied, understood and advanced to the benefit of all in society in a genuine all-inclusive, progressive, grand, and elevating strategic way. It is this, we ought to SIGN for.