An excerpt from the new book, The Dark Wind: Witches and the Concept of Evil by Gary R. Varner

In many Native American societies it was a shaman who would preside over a witch trial, acting as prosecutor. The difference between a shaman and a witch appears to most people to be very slight at best. In fact, there may not be a difference at all.

Historian and religious scholar Mircea Eliade, quoting Willard Park, wrote, “the practice of witchcraft may be as important a part of shamanism as the curing of disease or the charming of game in a communal hunt. We will designate the term of shamanism, then, all the practices by which supernatural power may be acquired by mortals, the exercise of that power either for good or evil, and all the concepts and beliefs associated with these practices.” (1)

Some researchers have theorized that the “witch craze” was the result of a reinterpretation of shamanic activities by the Inquisition rather than the actual activities of evil in the guise of witchcraft. Shamans in central and southern Europe exhibit many of the same characteristics of supposed witches, including the following:
• the ability to shape-shift into an animal form,
• diverting drought, storm damage and plague to other locations, and
• the ability to “fly” through “spirit flight.” (2)

Split into three groups, these shamans are called the Kreniks, living in Slovenia; the Táltos, living in Hungary; and the “benandanti” who resided in northeastern Italy. All three groups, however, used their supernatural powers to fight evil sorcerers and those later called “witches” for control of geographical areas. The shamans acted for the good of their communities, to protect the fields and livestock, heal sickness, communicate with the dead, and to foretell future events.

According to some, “it is shamanic folk beliefs that were reinterpreted by the Inquisition as witchcraft, because the Christian church took a hostile approach to any form of magical activity. There emerged an image of a heretical witch sect, which was identified with evil and maleficence.” (3)

This theory may or may not be correct but it is true that shamans and witches are very similar. Anthropologist E. Adamson Hoebel, in writing about the Comanche shaman, noted, “The Comanche made no basic distinction between a Medicine man and a sorcerer. Medicine was a two-edged sword. It could cut for good or evil.” (4)

This concept appears to be an old one in Native American tradition. Today witchcraft, magic and supernatural acts are viewed as evil by both the Native American, the Church and outside scholars—but it was not always so. “In neither Navaho or Zuñi examples,” writes Sheila Moon “is witchcraft necessarily black magic. Choice is possible as to the manner in which power is utilized….The good or evil is thus placed under the aegis of individual decision, is made a condition of personal responsibility.” (5) Such power simply exists to be used in whatever manner the practitioner chooses.

This is a tenent of Christianity as well—evil exists but man has the choice to embrace it or reject it. Moon tells us that the Navaho hero figure First Man, when accused of being evil replies “It is true , my children, I am filled with evil. But I know when to use it and when to withhold it.” (6)

The God of the Judeo-Christians admits to the same. In Isaiah 45:7 God states “I form the light, and create darkness: I make peace, and create evil: I the Lord do all these things.” While many evangelical Christians prefer not to recognize this claim it is, like First Man’s, evidence that in religious traditions evil is part of the dual nature of the universe. Good and evil co-exist and it is up to the individual to act within their boundaries. It is this dual nature that witchcraft and shamans utilize. “…’evil,’” Moon relates, “is as intrinsic in the upward progression as any other element.” (7)

As Christianity gained influence in the world, it also became part of magical systems. Seen repeatedly, Christian influences are prevalent in both Old and New World shamanism and witchcraft. More than likely it was the ritual of Catholicism that influenced the indigenous witch and shaman to incorporate parts of Christianity into their religio-magic practices.

“Much healing was conducted with the aid of Catholic prayers,” wrote Greenwood and Airey. “Prescriptions of Paternosters, Aves and the Creed in honour of the Holy Ghost and the Virgin Mary were common [practices of the cunning folk.]” (8) Jones recorded as well that the Comanche medicine woman Sanapia “continually prods the patient to have faith in her powers and the powers of the sun, earth, God, peyote, Jesus, Medicine eagle, and the Holy Ghost.” (9) Obviously, these rituals incorporate a mixture of traditional-indigenous ritual and Christianity, the shaman does not want to offend or ignore any powerful deity in her attempt to achieve success.

The use of Christian themes in magic and witchcraft is not unusual, nor confined to Native American witchcraft. Kieckhefer noted, “Secular magic blends at times into religious observance. Things that are holy in Christian cult can substitute for magical objects, and things that are inherently powerful can have their power enhanced through sacred names or rituals.” (10)

However, this practice was not viewed as acceptable by Church leaders. Friar Henry Parker, writing during the reign of Edward IV, complained as follows:

“They that use holy wordes of the gospel, Pater noster, Ave, or Crede, or holy prayers in theyr wytchecraftes, for charmes or conjurations—they make a fall hye sacrifice to the fende. It hath oft been knowen, that wytches with sayenge of their Pater noster and droppyng of the holy candell in a man’s steppes that they hated, hath done his fete rotten of DI. …But for the wytche worshyppeth the fende so highly with the holy prayers, and with the holy candell, and used suche holy thinges in despyte of God therefore is the fende redy to do the wytche’s wylle and to fulfill thinges that they done it for.” (11)

A contrary opinion was offered by a Mr. Daniel Rock who wrote in the March 2, 1850 edition of Notes and Queries that the spell, using Christian instruments and words, was done “not only to drive away witchcraft, but guard all the folks in that house from sickness of every kind.” (12)

Obviously, it was the appearance of witchcraft rather than the actual intent of the magic that caused terror in the heart of the Church. In many areas of the world, even today “medicine men” or women have an active role in their society in treating illnesses and identifying possible supernatural causes for illness. In Mexico and Spain, the “curandero” is both healer and black magician. According to researcher Joe S. Graham, “it is often difficult to distinguish between a brujo (‘sorcerer’) and a curandero, because like the brujo, the curandero sometimes uses black magic to cause injury.” (13)

While many say that the curandero only uses white magic to treat illnesses, Graham reports, “he might use the curse of God to force a brujo to remove a hex from a patient.” (14)

In the eternal struggle between good and evil, the curandero views himself as being on the side of God and goodness. Most shamans also align themselves with the power of good even though they often cross the line. One informant told Graham “The curandero has power over the witch. His magic is stronger than the witch’s—more potent. It’s really his prayers and the cross that he fights with, and the rosary.” (15)

Witches and shamans behave very similarly and, as we have previously discussed, may be called by either term depending on the situation. However, Howells makes a definite distinction:

“Both of them relieve certain kinds of tensions in individuals, such as can be harmful to the social climate, and both of them do it dramatically, which means artistically, which in turn means in a manner calculated to give emotional satisfaction. Shamanism,” he notes, “should be the more successful, because witchcraft is more of a fantasy and brings its own difficulties, while shamanism is a real emotional exercise, with practically no drawbacks.” (16)

A figure similar to the curandero is the koldun. This individual, usually male, was the magical practitioner of 19th century peasant Russia. Like many others in this profession the koldun was, according to Daniel Ryan, “economically and socially marginal individuals.” (17) For the most part these individuals were poor, elderly and landless. Like other shamans, they also had acquired a huge amount of knowledge of herbs, folk medicine and occult subjects.

The koldun was regarded as a sorcerer rather than a healer although people at that time used these terms interchangeably. Strangely enough, even though the koldun was considered a sorcerer who received assistance from petty demons or the “unclean dead” he was also, according to Ryan, the “honored guest and protector of the peasant wedding.” (18)

The koldun, like his counterparts in other areas of the world, was at risk of death for his actions if they were viewed as harmful. If the koldun was believed to have harmed the well-being and livelihood of the community he would be “removed” with the community’s sanction.

Other acts against a koldun included having him remove a spell or drawing his blood in the belief that by doing so the individual’s ability to practice magic would be curtailed.
The object of the koldun, like other shamans and magical practitioners, was profit. This could also be his downfall. Ryan writes, “Peasants resented kolduny for their financial demands, extortion and begging, which could push a family closer to or below the subsistence level.” (19)

Generally, the kolduny that were not killed were isolated from the village because of village animosity directed towards them.

The origin of the kolduny dates back to ancient pagan days. “The roots of Slavic sorcery,” wrote Michael Kerrigan, “lie in distant, pagan times, when the kolduny or volkhvy served the people as sorcerers, or priests. Condemned by the early Orthodox Church, these healers were quickly driven underground.” (20)

Even though the Church attempted time and again to destroy these pagan priests and sorcerers, they had little influence over a population that recognized the Christian Church but worshipped through their old religion. Through on- going public relations efforts, the church began to erode the kolduny influence. The entry for the year 1024 in the Primary Chronicle reported, “In this year magicians appeared in Suzdal, and killed old people by satanic inspirations and Devil worship, saying they would spoil the harvest. There was great confusion and famine throughout all that country.” (21) Through these means, the Church began to change the view of the kolduny from religious priests and healers to the perpetrators of all evil happenings. The koldun became the fortuneteller and healer who was respected and also feared as a witch.

The churches ability to turn the peasants away from the kolduny became apparent when “mob witch-hunts” became so prevalent that the church itself, in the 13th century, issued a reproach to the peasants. The Church admonished the parishioners for “being so simple as to believe in their sorcerers’ powers to bring rain, sunshine and fertility to their land and then for murdering these same magicians when the crops periodically failed.” (22)

NOTES

1. Eliade, Mircea. Shamanism: Archaic Techniques of Ecstasy. Princeton: Princeton University Press 1964, 298.
2. Greenwood, Susan and Raje Airey. The Complete Illustrated Encyclopedia of Witchcraft & Practical Magic. London: Hermes House 2006, 72-75.
3. Ibid., 74.
4. Hoebel, E. Adamson. The Cheyennes. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, Inc. 1960, 85.
5. Moon, Sheila. A Magic Dwells: A Poetic and Psychological Study of the Navaho Emergence Myth. San Francisco: Guild for Psychological Studies Publishing House 1970, 52.
6. Ibid.
7. Moon, op cit.
8. Greenwood, Susan and Raje Airey, op cit. 104.
9. Jones, David E. Sanapia: Comanche Medicine Woman. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, Inc. Case Studies in Cultural Anthropology 1972, 82.
10. Kieckhefer, Richard. Magic in the Middle Ages. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 1989, 108.
11. Parker, Henry. Compendiouse Treatyse, or Dialogue of Dives and Pauper. London: T. Berthelet 1536, XXXV.
12. Rock, Daniel. “The Fraternity of Christian Doctrine—Chaucer’s Night Charm” in Notes and Queries, Vol 1 (18) March 2, 1850, 281.
13. Graham, Joe S. “The Role of the Curandero in the Mexican American Folk Medicine in West Texas” in American Folk Medicine: A Symposium. Berkeley: University of California Press 1976, 180.
14. Ibid.
15. Ibid.
16. Howells, William. The Heathens: Primitive Man and His Religions. New York: TheNatural History Library/Anchor Books 1962, 140.
17. Ryan, Daniel C. “Witchcraft Denunciations in Late Imperial Russia: Peasant Reactions to the Koldun” in Folklore Vol. 9, December 1998. Tartu: Institute of Estonian Language, 42.
18. Ibid.
19. Ibid., 49.
20. Kerrigan, Michael. “Witchcraft and Wizardry” in Myth and Mankind: Forests of the Vampire-Slavic Myth. London: Duncan Baird Publishers 1999, 115.
21. Ibid.
22. Ibid., 117.